QUOTA    NOTES

Newsletter of the Proportional Representation Society of Australia



     QN2022A             March 2022       www.prsa.org.au


 


 

 

 

Preselection woes again precede the stage management of Australia’s ballot papers

 

The imminent federal elections - for senators for the two internal territories and half of the State senators as well as all members of the House of Representatives have, as usual - been accompanied by many widely-reported very unedifying preselection squabbles, most noticeably within the Liberal and the Labor parties.

 

That is a result, for the House of Representatives, of its single-member winner-take-all divisions’ usually being contested by a single candidate of each major party rather than several candidates standing so voters get a choice within each party. Such a choice would let voters influence the factional balance within each party, so they have a greater effect on who represents them, as naturally occurs in multi-member electorates. That used to occur in some single-member electorates.

 

In the Senate, laws to facilitate the stage management of ballot papers began in 1940, well before PR-STV, particularly those that let party administrations decide the order in which a party’s candidates names appear down the party column on PR-STV ballot papers. That cannot occur under the Hare-Clark system used in Tasmania, and in the Australian Capital Territory.

 

Stage management began its worst era in the 1970s, when South Australia introduced a fortunately short-lived party list system for its upper house polls. New South Wales tried that, but opposition to it led to a PR-STV ballot paper, but with Group Voting Tickets.

 

Group Voting Tickets began for Senate elections in 1983. The fashion spread to South Australia, Western Australia and Victoria, but GVTs were discontinued as their faults emerged so that now the only legislative chamber afflicted with them is Victoria’s upper house.

 

Liberal Party woes: The Liberal Party’s preselection of New South Wales candidates for Senate seats has led to the disputed involvement of the Prime Minister, Hon. Scott Morrison MHR, and some senior ministers.

 

For the lower house, that has gone as far as the Liberal Party’s Federal Executive’s overruling the party’s NSW Branch to determine who the party’s candidate would be in several seats.


It set aside the NSW Branch’s use of local plebiscites in those seats, and determined that, instead, three sitting MHRs (two of them ministers) would be preselected: Hon. Alex Hawke, Hon. Sussan Ley, and Mr Trent Zimmerman.

 

Mr Matthew Camenzuli, who is said to be on the right-wing of the NSW State Executive, sought a ruling from the High Court of Australia that the party’s Federal Executive should return the matter of preselections to the NSW State Executive, in accordance with the constitution of the NSW Branch. The Chief Justice, Susan Kiefel, in hearing the case ruled that it should instead be dealt with by the NSW Court of Appeal.

 

Labor argued in the House that it was improper of the Prime Minister to have instructed the publicly-funded Solicitor-General to act for him to defend his actions in court on a matter that was essentially a concern of the Liberal Party Federal Executive (a private organization) - not the Commonwealth of Australia.

 

Concurrently, Senator Hon. Concetta Fierravanti-Wells, a Liberal senator for NSW for 17 years since the NSW parliament appointed her to fill a casual vacancy on 05 May 2005 - whose current term will end on 30 June 2022 - reacted angrily to her relegation by the NSW Executive to an almost certainly unwinnable fourth position down the NSW Senate ballot paper. She was the twelfth speaker in the Senate’s adjournment debate on 29 March 2022, where she surprised many with her very robust and detailed criticisms of her party’s parliamentary leader, the Prime Minister, Hon. Scott Morrison.

 

Labor Party woes: Soon after the recent shock of the untimely death of Victorian Labor Senator Kimberley Kitching, a factional colleague of hers, Hon. Bill Shorten MHR - who was the immediate past Leader of the Federal Opposition - said, in praising her, "Preselection is never easy. I'm not a coroner, I can't tell you why this woman of 52 was taken from us. But I have no doubt that the stress of politics and the machinations in the back rooms had its toll."

 

Ms Kitching was appointed to fill a Victorian casual Senate vacancy in 2016. She served for over 5 years without ever having been elected at a Senate election.


Mr Shorten’s frank sentiments starkly revealed a manipulative aspect of Australia’s political culture that can and should be modified.


It appeared that Senator Kitching's bid for a suitably high position on the Labor party ticket was being opposed by a trio of high-ranking female senators, which included Senators Penny Wong and Kristina Kennealy, and that was placing considerable pressure on her, as Malcolm Mackerras mentioned in a tribute to her.

 

Tasmania’s use of its Hare-Clark electoral system for the lower house of its parliament, for over 110 years, has convinced most democratically-minded parliamentarians there of its superiority.

 

Tasmania’s absence of stage-managed ballot papers and election of at least five Members of its House of Assembly in each of its five divisions has saved the political parties from their own mistakes.

 

Its Robson Rotation does that by leaving more power to the voters themselves to choose, from a larger number of party nominees - whose surnames each have an equal incidence of occurrence in a particular location down the ballot paper - a smaller number that are actually elected as MHAs.

 

By contrast, as is demonstrated in the next article, single-member electorates limit the representation to one point of view only, as opposed to the far more accurate representation of a few more views, which usually give the greatest representation to the most strongly-supported views and, in lesser strength, to views that can differ from those.


A comparison between the elections of the MHR for Clark and those of its five MHAs

 

Since the first polls under the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1902, Tasmania has had five single-member divisions for the election of its members of the House of Representatives, but it has, since then, always used the boundaries and names of those divisions for the five multi-member divisions from which its House of Assembly members are elected.

 

Because those federal and state electorate boundaries are coterminous, a comparison between the outcomes in party terms provides a good illustration of the benefits of Hare-Clark over a winner-take-all system. The comparison is most revealing in the most recent elections for the electorate of Clark (earlier called Denison).


In May 2019, Andrew Wilkie, an Independent MHR, achieved the remarkable feat of being re-elected with 50.05% of the first preference votes cast in the federal division of Clark. In sharp contrast, the election of Clark’s five MHAs in May 2021 resulted in electing one Independent MHA, one Labor MHA, one Greens MHA, and two Liberal MHAs. That diversity in the representation in the State division obviously reflects the views of Clark’s voters at the State level far better than the winner-take-all single-member division does at the Federal level.

 

Changes since Tasmania’s 2021 Assembly poll

 

In the ten months since the general elections held in May 2021 for Tasmania’s House of Assembly, two MHAs that were ministers have resigned.

 

Instead of expensive by-election polls being held that could have altered the balance of power in the Assembly for quite arbitrary reasons - such as some of the actual voters at the later by-election poll being different from those at the earlier general election - the replacement MLAs are, under countback, those indicated by an absolute majority of the voters at that general election as their preferred consenting candidates.

 

Another change since the Gutwein Liberal Government began its new term as a result of that general election, was the appointment of new ministers to replace those two. One of those new Liberal Party ministers, who replaced Hon. Jane Howlett MHA, was Madeleine Ogilivie MHA. Ms Ogilvie was first elected as a Labor MHA in Denison (since changed to Clark) in March 2014.

 

Ms Ogilvie failed to be re-elected at the 2018 general election, but was elected at a 2019 countback, following which she sat as an Independent MHA. She joined the Liberal Party before the May 2021 general election, at which she was elected as one of the two Liberal MHAs for Clark.


 

Repercussions from Victorian Labor’s “Red Shirts Affair”, and Adem Somyurek’s branch-stacking

 

Victorian Labor’s dismissed Minister for Local Government, Hon. Adem Somyrurek MLC - who now sits as an Independent MLC - successfully moved a motion in the Legislative Council on 09 February 2022 that was opposed by all but one of his former Labor colleagues.


The detailed motion included the proposal that the House should refer the matter of Labor’s “Red Shirts Affair”, which involved the improper expenditure of substantial public funds on campaigning for Labor at the 2014 elections, to Victoria’s Independent Broad-based Anti-corruption Commission.

 

The Hansard record of Mr Somyurek’s motion and the subsequent debate and division, showed that the motion was carried by a vote of 19 to 17. The vote that ensured it was carried was cast by Ms Kaushalia Vaghela, then a Labor MLC for the Western Metropolitan Region, who had been a member of Labor’s Socialist Left faction, which is the same faction as the Premier, Hon Daniel Andrews MLA.

 

Ms Vaghela had earlier lost Labor Party preselection for the 2022 election. She did not speak in the debate, but later issued a telling statement that particularly implicated that Socialist Left faction in the “Red Shirts Affair”, and she resigned from the Labor Party. It was expected that she would have, under Labor Party rules, been expelled if she had not resigned first. She now sits as an Independent MLC.


At the 2018 elections in Western Metropolitan Region, Labor fielded five candidates. The first three down the Group Voting Ticket were elected. Ms Vaghela was the third down the Group Voting Ticket. She gained only 430 of the 214,208 first preference votes received by those Labor candidates, which was the fewest for any of them.

 

Eire’s Electoral Reform Bill upon the centenary of its adoption of PR-STV

 

On 30 March 2022, the Government of the Republic of Ireland, which is a three-party coalition, announced that it will introduce to the Parliament an Electoral Reform Bill 2022 that would - among other things - create for the first time in Eire a statutory Electoral Commission.

 

It would resemble the Australian Electoral Commission, which was established by the Hawke Labor Government in 1984.

 

The Government claims the Bill will also pioneer, among countries in Europe, the regulation of online political advertising, and will require online electoral material to include an identification of its sponsors, its cost, and an explanation of why its recipients are being targeted.


The Commission will be required to investigate district magnitudes and make recommendations about any changes made. That is an important reform as, unlike the uniform district magnitude that applies for electoral districts used for each Australian chamber that uses PR-STV, Eire lacks a uniform district magnitude, as the only constitutional requirement there is for it to be a minimum of three seats.
 


 

A Tribute to Dean Jaensch of South Australia

 

Professor Dean Jaensch AO - a prominent and highly respected South Australian political scientist, who had been a Professor of Political and International Studies at The Flinders University of South Australia - died on 17 January 2022, aged 85.

 

He was a regular columnist for Adelaide’s newspaper, The Advertiser, and he was often a part of the Australian Broadcasting Corporation’s team analysing Federal and State electoral prospects and outcomes.

 

Fortunately for the PRSA’s South Australian Branch, the Electoral Reform Society of South Australia, Dean was a strong advocate of PR-STV as the fairest electoral method.

 

Dean was never a PRSA member, but he was very much a ‘friend’ of the PRSA, supporting much of its work and readily offering advice, including his being the guest speaker at one of the South Australian Branch’s annual general meetings.

 

Members will remember Dean’s excellent explanation of Tasmania’s Hare-Clark version of PR-STV - and why he considered it much superior to the stage-managed version used to elect senators - in the context of earlier election night presentations of results for Tasmania’s House of Assembly.

 

At the end of the election night coverage of the March 2022 South Australian State election by the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, its elections analyst - Antony Green AO - paid tribute to Dean, telling viewers that long before he had begun his present ABC role, Dean Jaensch was explaining preference flows, and which candidates might be elected, all well before sophisticated computer graphics became available.

 


© 2022 Proportional Representation Society of Australia

National President: Dr Jeremy Lawrence   npres@prsa.org.au